General Elections - Institutions in the UK

Source: http://www.parliament.uk/about/how/elections-and-voting/general/

When Parliament is dissolved every seat in the House of Commons becomes vacant and a general election is held. Each constituency in the UK elects one Member of Parliament (MP) to a seat in the House of Commons. Usually the political party that wins the most seats in the House of Commons forms the Government.

• What is a general election?
• When was the last general election?
• Who becomes Prime Minister?
• Formation of a government following a general election
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What is a general election?

A general election is an opportunity for people in every part of the UK to choose their MP - the person who will represent their local area (constituency) in the House of Commons for up to five years.

There is normally a choice of several candidates in each constituency, some of which are the local candidates for national political parties. People can only vote for one of the candidates and the candidate that receives most votes becomes their MP.

When was the last general election?

The Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 sets the interval between general elections at five years. At the end of this time a new House of Commons must be elected.

The date of the general election was 7 May 2015.

The Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 provides for general elections to be held on the first Thursday in May every five years.

However, there are two provisions that trigger an election other than at five year intervals:

• a motion of no confidence is passed in Her Majesty's Government by a simple majority and 14 days elapses without the House passing a confidence motion in any new Government formed
• a motion for a general election is agreed by two thirds of the total number of seats in the Commons including vacant seats (currently 434 out of 650)

Previous to this Act, the Prime Minister could call a general election at any time within the five year period and not all Parliaments lasted the full five years.

Before 2011 a general election could be called earlier for a number of reasons. For example, the Prime Minister could decide to call an election at a time when he or she was most confident of winning the election (getting more MPs than any other party) or if a government was defeated on a confidence motion, a general election could follow.

Do general elections have to be held on Thursdays?

Not necessarily. The Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 set the date of the last general election at Thursday 7 May 2015 and subsequent elections to be held on the first Thursday of May at five year intervals. However, if an earlier general election is triggered the Act does not state that the election has to be held on a Thursday.

Before the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011 the Prime Minister could choose any weekday for a general election, according to a fixed electoral timetable. However, Thursday has become the traditional day for general elections.

The last general election not to be held on a Thursday was on Tuesday 27 October 1931.

Who becomes Prime Minister?

Can I vote for a new Prime Minister?

No. You can only vote to elect your local MP in a general election. Even if you live in the constituency represented by the current Prime Minister or the leader of another political party, you are still only voting on whether he or she will be your local MP in the next Parliament.

Who chooses the Prime Minister?

The Prime Minister is appointed by the Queen, who is guided by constitutional conventions.

• The British Monarchy: The Queen and Government (external site)

The Cabinet Manual sets out the main laws, rules and conventions affecting the conduct and operation of government, including the role of the Sovereign.

• GOV.UK: The Cabinet Manual (external site)

Formation of a government following a general election

Usually the political party that wins the most seats in the House of Commons at a general election forms the new government and its leader becomes Prime Minister.

If no party wins a majority of the seats, a situation which is known as a 'hung Parliament', then the largest party may form a minority government or there may be a coalition government of two or more parties. The Prime Minister appoints ministers who work in the government departments, the most senior of these sit in Cabinet.

• Read more about Parliament: Hung Parliament
• Read more about Parliament: Parliament and Government

Bloody Sunday

More information about: Bloody Sunday

http://www.bbc.co.uk/history/bloody_sunday

 

On the morning of Sunday 30 January 1972, around ten thousand people gathered in Londonderry for a civil rights march. The British Army had sealed off the original route so the march organisers led most of the demonstrators towards 'Free Derry Corner' in the nationalist Bogside area of the city. Despite this, a number of people continued on towards an army barricade where local youths threw stones at soldiers, who responded with a water cannon, CS gas and rubber bullets.
As the riot began to disperse, soldiers of the 1st Parachute Regiment were ordered to move in and arrest as many of the rioters as possible. In the minutes that followed, some of these paratroopers opened fire on the crowd, killing thirteen men and injuring 13 others, one of whom died some months later.
Free Derry
British troops had been sent into Derry as a peacekeeping force in August 1969 and had initially been welcomed by the predominantly Catholic nationalist community as a preferable alternative to what they saw as the discrimination of the local Northern Ireland security forces. The residents of the Bogside area of the city had declared it 'Free Derry' and refused to recognise the authority of the Northern Ireland government, led by a unionist majority that drew most of its support from the Protestant community.
Opposition to policies such as detention of terrorist suspects without trial (internment) and the alleged rigging of electoral wards to favour Protestant voters (gerrymandering) had inspired a nascent civil rights movement across Northern Ireland. With support for the demands of the civil rights movement so strong among local people, Derry was an obvious choice for a mass demonstration.
The events of Bloody Sunday
About ten thousand people gathered in the Creggan area of Derry on the morning of Sunday 30 January 1972. After prolonged skirmishes between groups of local youths and the army at barricades set up to prevent the march reaching its intended destination (Guildhall Square in the heart of the city), paratroopers moved in to make arrests. During this operation, they opened fire on the crowd, killing thirteen and wounding 13 others.
The dead were all male, aged between seventeen and forty-one. Another man, aged fifty-nine, died some months later from injuries sustained on that day. The wounded included a fifteen-year-old boy and a woman.
Reaction and inquiries
While the British Army maintained that its troops had responded after coming under fire, the people of the Bogside saw it as murder. The British government was sufficiently concerned for the Home Secretary to announce the following day an official inquiry into the circumstances of the shootings.
Opinion was further polarised by the findings of this tribunal, led by the British Lord Chief Justice, Lord Widgery. His report exonerated the army and cast suspicion on many of the victims, suggesting they had been handling bombs and guns. Relatives of the dead and the wider nationalist community campaigned for a fresh public inquiry, which was finally granted by then Prime Minister Tony Blair in 1998.
Headed by Lord Saville, the Bloody Sunday Inquiry took 12 years and finally reported in 2010. It established the innocence of the victims and laid responsibility for what happened on the army.
Prime Minister David Cameron called the killings "unjustified and unjustifiable". The families of the victims of Bloody Sunday felt that the inquiry's findings vindicated those who were killed, raising the question of prosecutions and compensation.

State Opening of Parliament 2015

The State Opening of Parliament took place on Wednesday 27 May 2015. State Opening marks the formal start of the new 2015-16 parliamentary session. The primary purpose of this colourful state occasion is to set out the Government's legislative agenda in the Queen's Speech.

The State Opening of Parliament is the most colourful event of the Parliamentary year.

It is also the most important, because it brings together the three elements of the legislature (the House of Commons, the House of Lords and The Queen). The ceremony therefore represents the Crown in Parliament.

As Head of State, it is the duty of The Queen formally to open each new session of Parliament.

Her Majesty has only missed two Opening of Parliament ceremonies during her reign. The first time was in 1959 when she was pregnant with Prince Andrew and the second in 1963 when she was expecting Prince Edward.

After the introduction of the Fixed-term Parliaments Act 2011, the State Opening of Parliament takes place every year in May.T

 Before The Queen travels to Parliament from Buckingham Palace, certain traditional precautions are observed.

A detachment of The Queen's Body Guard of the Yeomen of the Guard searches the cellars of the Houses of Parliament.

This tradition dates back to the Gunpowder Plot of 1605, when Guy Fawkes was arrested whilst preparing to blow up Parliament. Today, the Yeomen of the Guard continue this historic search, in addition to the security checks by police.

Another tradition is the 'hostage' MP, a Government whip who is held at Buckingham Palace to guarantee the safe return of the monarch.
The custom dates back to centuries when the monarch and Parliament were on less cordial terms.

Once these precautions have been taken, The Queen travels from Buckingham Palace in a State coach to the Palace of Westminster, usually accompanied by The Duke of Edinburgh.

The Imperial State Crown travels in its own carriage, ahead of The Queen, escorted by Members of the Royal Household.

On arrival, The Queen puts on the Imperial State Crown and her parliamentary robe ready for the ceremony itself. This takes place in the House of Lords.

Some 250 representatives of the House of Commons are summoned by Black Rod, who acts as The Queen's Messenger.

By tradition, the door of the House of Commons is slammed in Black Rod's face. It is then reopened to enable Black Rod to convey the Sovereign's summons to the Speaker.

This tradition is a reminder of the right of the Commons to exclude everyone but the Sovereign's messengers.

No monarch has set foot in the Commons since Charles I entered the Commons and tried to arrest five Members of Parliament in 1642.

Spectators can view the procession to Parliament from Buckingham Palace in The Mall and Whitehall.

The ceremony is also broadcast live on BBC television.

SOURCE:  OFFICIAL WEBSITE OF THE BRITISH MONARCHY
http://www.royal.gov.uk/RoyalEventsandCeremonies/StateOpeningofParliament/State%20Opening%20of%20Parliament.aspx

Scottish devolution: What next for Scotland?

SOURCE: http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-scotland-scotland-politics-32810553

As the new majority Conservative government gets down to business, the BBC's Hayley Jarvis looks at the plan for Scotland and what might happen next.

 27 May 2015

What powers are heading to the Scottish Parliament?

 WATCH THE VIDEO

During the election campaign Conservative leader David Cameron pledged to give more powers to Scotland within 100 days of winning the election. He promised to create "the strongest devolved government anywhere in the world with important powers over taxation".
These new powers for Scotland were outlined in the Queen's Speech.
The Scotland Bill will be based on recommendations made by the Smith Commission - the cross-party group formed after the independence referendum to look at what additional powers might be handed to Scotland.
If the legislation makes it over the usual parliamentary hurdles, new powers will include;

• setting income tax rates and bands
• controlling a proportion of VAT raised in Scotland
• fully controlling air passenger duty
• creating new benefits in devolved areas and making discretionary welfare payments
• managing the assets of the Crown Estate

In addition, the Scottish Parliament has already been given the power to extend voting to 16 and 17 year olds in time for the 2016 Scottish Parliamentary elections.


Is everyone happy with the proposals?

WATCH THE VIDEO

The Scotland Bill will be based on draft legislation, or a "command paper", which was published by the previous Tory/Lib Dem coalition government in January. But a committee of MSPs at Holyrood, where the SNP is in government, said the powers plan "fell short" of recommendations made by Smith Commission.
SNP leader and Scotland's First Minister Nicola Sturgeon had called for a new Scotland Bill that would go beyond Smith.
She wants additional powers, including control of:

• National Insurance
• the minimum wage
• Corporation Tax
• full control of welfare and employment
• trade union law

None of these feature in the forthcoming Bill which is one of 21 proposed by the majority Conservative government.
Nevertheless, the Scottish government will be seeking assurances that UK ministers cannot veto any of the powers already promised to Scotland in the draft legislation, such as changes to benefits.
Full fiscal autonomy - the responsibility for all areas of tax and spending except defence and foreign affairs - remains a key goal for the SNP, but not yet.
During an interview on the BBC's Andrew Marr, Ms Sturgeon said she would be pressing the Prime Minster to give Scotland greater financial control, but "clearly that will take a number of years to implement".

Why is it important that David Cameron delivers on this?

Just two days before people in Scotland cast their votes in the Scottish independence referendum, the leaders of the three Unionist parties - David Cameron (Conservatives); Ed Miliband (Labour) and Nick Clegg (Liberal Democrats) - made a public "vow" to give Holyrood more powers.
On 18 September 2014, the electorate voted 55% to 45% against independence and Mr Cameron promised the day after the referendum that if he won the 2015 General Election he would deliver the "vow".

Would David Cameron go further in the future?

The general election saw the SNP win 56 of Scotland's 59 Westminster seats which prompted party leader Ms Sturgeon to pledge that her MPs would provide the loudest ever voice for Scots in the House of Commons.
Following the election, Mr Cameron met with Ms Sturgeon who called their talks "constructive and business like".
While the PM has said he would look at "sensible suggestions" for more powers, he has given no indication he would go beyond Smith.
The new Scottish Secretary David Mundell has also said he believed the Smith proposals were the "right package" for the country.
He too signalled the UK government would be prepared to listen to calls for more powers, but as part of usual parliamentary procedures.

What's the story for England, Wales and Northern Ireland? 

WATCH THE VIDEO
 
After the Scottish independence referendum, Mr Cameron made a speech outside No 10 Downing Street in which he said the UK needed, not only a new deal for Scotland, but for the "millions of voices in England" to be heard. So, what has happened since September last year?

• ENGLAND - Before the election, Mr Cameron tasked the then Leader of the Commons William Hague to draw up plans enabling only English MPs to vote on English matters. During the election campaign, Mr Cameron pledged that an English rate of income tax would feature in the first budget of new Conservative government. This Queen's Speech outlined that changes would be made to the standing orders of the House of Commons -basically the rules that govern the way laws are passed - ensuring that only MPs representing English constituencies could vote on legislation affecting England alone.
• WALES - The new government's programme details further devolution of powers to Wales, including a new reserved powers model to clarify the division of powers between the Welsh Assembly and parliament. The assembly will also be given more powers over energy, transport and local government elections in Wales.
• NORTHERN IRELAND - Devolution of powers has been suspended and reinstated several times since its Assembly was created following the Good Friday Agreement in 1998. It has control over areas such as agriculture, education, health and social services, economic development and the environment and in March 2010 an agreement was passed to transfer powers of justice and policing. Although there is no big devolved power heading to Northern Ireland, a Bill is in the pipeline which will provide for full and independent investigations into "unsolved Troubles-related deaths".

The Northern Irish Conflict: A Chronology

A history of the conflict and the slow progress towards peace

by Ann Marie Imbornoni, Borgna Brunner, and Beth Rowen

HISTORY OF THE PROBLEM: BRITAIN AND IRELAND

Political separation of Northern Ireland from the rest of Ireland did not come until the early 20th century, when Protestants and Catholics divided into two warring camps over the issue of Irish home rule. Related Links Who Was Who in the Irish Peace Process Ireland Northern Ireland Home Rule IRA Sinn Fein Map of Ireland St. Patrick's Day

A Centuries-old Conflict

The history of Northern Ireland can be traced back to the 17th century, when the English finally succeeded in subduing the island after successfully putting down a number of rebellions. (See Oliver Cromwell; Battle of the Boyne.) Much land, especially in the north, was subsequently colonized by Scottish and English Protestants, setting Ulster somewhat apart from the rest of Ireland, which was predominantly Catholic.

The Nineteenth Century

During the 1800s the north and south grew further apart due to economic differences. In the north the standard of living rose as industry and manufacturing flourished, while in the south the unequal distribution of land and resources—Anglican Protestants owned most of the land—resulted in a low standard of living for the large Catholic population.

The Twentieth Century

Political separation of Northern Ireland from the rest of Ireland did not come until the early 20th century, when Protestants and Catholics divided into two warring camps over the issue of Irish home rule. Most Irish Catholics desired complete independence from Britain, but Irish Protestants feared living in a country ruled by a Catholic majority.

Government of Ireland Act

In an attempt to pacify both factions, the British passed in 1920 the Government of Ireland Act, which divided Ireland into two separate political entities, each with some powers of self-government. The Act was accepted by Ulster Protestants and rejected by southern Catholics, who continued to demand total independence for a unified Ireland.

The Irish Free State and Northern Ireland

Following a period of guerrilla warfare between the nationalist Irish Republican Army (IRA) and British forces, a treaty was signed in 1921 creating the Irish Free State from 23 southern counties and 3 counties in Ulster. The other 6 counties of Ulster made up Northern Ireland, which remained part of the United Kingdom. In 1949 the Irish Free State became an independent republic.

"The Troubles"

Although armed hostilities between Catholics and Protestants largely subsided after the 1921 agreement, violence erupted again in the late 1960s; bloody riots broke out in Londonderry in 1968 and in Londonderry and Belfast in 1969. British troops were brought in to restore order, but the conflict intensified as the IRA and Protestant paramilitary groups carried out bombings and other acts of terrorism. This continuing conflict, which lingered into the 1990s, became known as "the Troubles."
Despite efforts to bring about a resolution to the conflict during the 1970s and 80s, terrorist violence was still a problem in the early 90s and British troops remained in full force. More than 3,000 people have died as a result of the strife in Northern Ireland.

THE PEACE PROCESS

An Early Attempt

A serious attempt to bring about a resolution to the conflict was made in 1985 when British and Irish prime ministers Margaret Thatcher and Garrett Fitzgerald signed the Anglo-Irish Agreement, which recognized for the first time the Republic of Ireland's right to have a consultative role in the affairs of Northern Ireland. However, Protestant politicians who opposed the Agreement were able to block its implementation.

 

The IRA Declares a Cease-fire

Further talks between rival Catholic and Protestant officials and the British and Irish governments occurred during the early 1990s. Then, in late Aug. 1994 the peace process received a big boost when the pro-Catholic IRA announced a cease-fire. This made it possible for Sinn Fein, the political arm of the IRA, to participate in multiparty peace talks; hitherto Sinn Fein had been barred from such talks because of its association with the IRA and its terrorist tactics.

 

Sinn Fein Participates in Official Talks

On Dec. 9, 1994, the first officially sanctioned, publicly announced talks took place between Sinn Fein and British officials. Negotiators for Sinn Fein pushed for a British withdrawal from Northern Ireland; Great Britain countered that the IRA must give up its weapons before Sinn Fein would be allowed to negotiate on the same basis as other parties. The issue of IRA disarmament would continue to be a sticking point throughout the negotiations.

An Anglo-Irish Proposal for Peace

In late Feb. 1995, the British and Irish governments released their joint proposal for talks on the future of Northern Ireland. The talks were to be held in three phases involving the political parties of Northern Ireland, the Irish government, and the British government. The talks would focus on the establishment of a form of self-government for Northern Ireland and the formation of Irish-Northern Irish "cross-border" bodies that would be set up to oversee such domestic concerns as agriculture, tourism, and health. Results of the talks would be put to referendums in Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland.

The U.S. Gets Involved

In Dec. 1995, former US senator George Mitchell was brought in to serve as mediator for the peace talks. His report issued in Jan. 1996 recommended the gradual disarmament of the IRA during the course of the talks, thus breaking the deadlock caused by the IRA's refusal to disarm.

Multiparty Talks Open in Belfast

On June 10, 1996, multiparty peace talks opened in Belfast. However, because of the breakdown of the IRA cease-fire the preceding Feb., Sinn Fein was turned away. Following the resumption of the cease-fire in July 1997, full-scale peace negotiations began in Belfast on Oct. 7, 1997. Great Britain attended as well as most of Northern Ireland's feuding political parties, including Sinn Fein and the Ulster Unionist Party (UUP), the largest Protestant political party in Northern Ireland. The more extreme Democratic Unionist Party and the tiny United Kingdom Unionist Party refused to join.

Click here for who's who in the Good Friday Agreement.

Good Friday Agreement

The historic talks finally resulted in the landmark Good Friday Agreement, which was signed by the main political parties on both sides on Apr. 10, 1998. The accord called for an elected assembly for Northern Ireland, a cross-party cabinet with devolved powers, and cross-border bodies to handle issues common to both the Republic of Ireland and Northern Ireland. Thus minority Catholics gained a share of the political power in Northern Ireland, and the Republic of Ireland a voice in Northern Irish affairs. In return Catholics were to relinquish the goal of a united Ireland unless the largely Protestant North voted in favor of it.

Real Hope for Peace

With the signing of the Good Friday Agreement, hope ran high that lasting peace was about to become a reality in Northern Ireland. In a dual referendum held on May 22, 1998, Northern Ireland approved the accord by a vote of 71% to 29%, and the Irish Republic by a vote of 94%. In June 1998, voters chose the 108 members of the Northern Ireland Assembly, the locally elected government.
International recognition and support for peace in Northern Ireland came on Oct. 16, 1998, when the Nobel Peace Prize was awarded jointly to John Hume and David Trimble, the leaders of the largest Catholic and Protestant political parties, respectively, in Northern Ireland.

Hope Proves False

In June 1999, the peace process stalled when the IRA refused to disarm prior to the formation of Northern Ireland's new provincial cabinet. Sinn Fein insisted that the IRA would only give up weapons after the new government assembled; the Ulster Unionists, Northern Ireland's largest Protestant party, demanded disarmament first. Consequently the new government failed to form on schedule in July 1999, bring the entire process to a complete halt.

Sinn Fein, Over to You

At the end of Nov. 1999, David Trimble, leader of the Ulster Unionists, relented on the "no guns, no government" position and agreed to form a government before the IRA's disarmament. If the IRA did not begin to disarm by Jan. 31, 2000, however, the Ulster Unionists would withdraw from the parliament of Northern Ireland, shutting down the new government.

New Parliament Is Suspended

With this compromise in place, the new government was quickly formed, and on Dec. 2 the British government formally transferred governing powers over to the Northern Irish parliament. But by the deadline Sinn Fein had made little progress toward disarmament, and so on Feb. 12, 2000, the British government suspended the Northern Irish parliament and once again imposed direct rule.

A New Beginning

Throughout the spring, Irish, British, and American leaders continued to hold discussions to try to end the impasse. Then on May 6 the IRA announced that it would agree to put its arms "beyond use" under the supervision of international inspectors. Britain returned home rule powers to the Northern Ireland Assembly on May 30, just three days after the Ulster Unionist Party, Northern Ireland's largest Protestant Party, again voted in favor of a power-sharing arrangement with Sinn Fein.
On June 26, 2000, international monitors Martti Ahtisaari of Finland and Cyril Ramaphosa of South Africa announced that they were satisfied that a substantial amount of IRA arms was safely stored and could not be used without detection.
However, while the IRA did allow for the inspection of some of its arms dumps, the months limped by without any real progress on disarmament. Caught in the middle was David Trimble, who was accused by his fellow Protestants of making too many concessions to the Republicans. On Oct. 28, 2000, he was nearly ousted by his own party, a move that surely would have spelled the end for the Good Friday Agreement. But Trimble survived, pledging to get tough by imposing sanctions on Sinn Fein.

STALEMATE

Into 2001, Still No Major Progress

Through the first months of 2001, Catholics and Protestants remained at odds, especially over the establishment of a neutral police force in Northern Ireland and IRA disarmament. In early March 2001, the IRA unexpectedly initiated a new round of talks with Northern Ireland's disarmament commission, but no real progress was made.

Trimble Resigns

Shortly before Britain's general election on June 7, Northern Ireland's first minister David Trimble announced that he would resign on July 1 if the IRA did not start disarming. The announcement helped bolster his position among his constituents, and Trimble managed to hold on to his seat in the British Parliament. However, his pro-British Ulster Unionist Party fared badly overall. In the weeks that followed, the IRA took no steps to dismantle its arsenal, and Trimble resigned as planned.

Violence Renewed as Marching Season Begins

The fragile peace process faced another crisis in mid-June when sectarian violence broke out again in Belfast. The clashes began after a group of schoolgirls and their parents were stoned by Protestant youths as they left a Catholic primary school. In what was deemed the worst rioting in several years, rival mobs hurled gasoline bombs, stones, and bottles and set fire to cars. The violence coincided with the start of the annual "marching season" when Protestant groups commemorate past victories on the battlefield against the Catholics.

IRA's Offer to Disarm Rejected

On Aug. 6, 2001, the commission responsible for the disarming of paramilitary forces in Northern Ireland announced that the IRA had agreed to a method of permanently placing its weapons arsenal beyond use. Although the commission did not disclose any details or indicate when disarmament might begin, Britain and the Republic of Ireland hailed the plan as a historic breakthrough. Protestant leaders in Northern Ireland were less enthusiastic and rejected the proposal as falling too short of action.
On Aug. 11, Britain's secretary of state for Northern Ireland, John Reid, suspended the power-sharing government for one day, a move that allowed Protestant and Catholic politicians six more weeks to negotiate before British authorities would be required to call for new elections to the assembly. (In the event of new elections, moderate David Trimble stood little chance of being reelected, since Protestants as well as Catholics have become increasingly opposed to the Good Friday Agreement.)
The IRA withdrew its offer to disarm on Aug. 14, but veterans of the process were confident that the matter remained on the negotiating table.

Northern Ireland Government Suspended Again

With some small progress having been made on policing and arms decommissioning, Britain suspended the devolved government again on Sept. 22, creating another six-week window for the parties to resolve their differences. The move was criticized by UUP leader David Trimble, and on Oct. 18, the three remaining Ulster Unionist cabinet ministers resigned, in an attempt to force Britain to impose direct rule again indefinitely.
However, on Oct. 23, the IRA announced that it had begun to disarm, and it appeared that the peace process had once again been rescued from the point of collapse. Guns and explosives at two arms dumps were put beyond use.
Trimble regained his position as first minister in the power-sharing government in a vote rerun on Nov. 6, after narrowly losing his reelection bid in the initial vote a few days earlier. Mark Durkan, who succeeded John Hume as leader of the largely Catholic SDLP (Nov. 10), was elected deputy first minister.

IRA Scraps More Weapons

On April 8, 2002, international weapons inspectors announced that the IRA had put more stockpiled munitions beyond use. The move was welcomed by British and Irish leaders alike, who expressed the hope that Protestant guerilla groups would also begin to surrender their weapons.
However, in mid-June British and Irish political leaders called for emergency talks to try to stem the rising tide of violence that had been ongoing in Belfast for several weeks. Police believed that the nightly outbreaks of firebombing and rioting were being organized by Protestant and Catholic paramilitary groups in direct violation of standing cease-fire agreements. The street disturbances continued into July, and a 19-year-old Catholic man was shot—the first death caused by sectarian violence since January.

IRA Members Arrested in Colombia

The call for talks also came hard on the heels of a BBC report concerning three IRA members who had been arrested in Aug. 2001, in Bogota, Colombia. According to the BBC, one of the men involved in the weapons activity was Brian Keenan, the IRA representative charged with disarming the guerilla group in Ireland. The three Irish guerillas were accused of testing new weaponry and teaching bomb-making techniques to Colombian rebels. They were scheduled to go on trial in Colombia in July.
Also in July, during the annual Orange Order parade through Portadown, Northern Ireland, Protestant supporters of the Orangemen hurled stones and bricks to protest the ban on marching down Garvaghy Road, past a Catholic enclave in the town. Throughout Northern Ireland, members of the Orange Order march to celebrate the military victory of Protestant King William of Orange over the Catholics in 1690. Two dozen police officers were injured and several people were arrested.

IRA Apologizes for Deaths

On July 16, 2002, the IRA issued its first apology to the families of the 650 civilians killed by the IRA since the late 1960s. The apology was released several days before the 30th anniversary of the IRA's Bloody Friday attack on July 21, 1972, which left 9 people dead and some 130 injured. During the attack in Belfast, 22 bombs exploded during a period of only 75 minutes.

Trimble Threatens to Resign Again

In late Sept. 2002, First Minister David Trimble announced that he and other Unionist leaders would force the collapse of the Northern Ireland Assembly by resigning unless the IRA disbanded by Jan. 18, 2003. The ultimatum came under pressure from hard-line constituents within the Unionist Party, following a number of incidents (including the trial of IRA guerillas in Colombia on weapons-related charges) that pointed to continued IRA military activity.

Britain Suspends Home-Rule Government Again

By early October, the situation had deteriorated, with Trimble threatening immediate mass resignation unless the British threw Sinn Fein, the IRA's political wing, out of the Assembly. The discovery of an alleged I.R.A. spy operation within the Northern Ireland Assembly was the last straw. Britain's Northern Ireland secretary, John Reid, suspended the power-sharing government on Oct. 14, 2002. It was the fourth time the British government had had to take back political control of Northern Ireland since the Northern Ireland Assembly came into being in Dec. 1999.
On Oct. 30, in response to the British move to impose direct rule again, the IRA suspended contact with the arms inspectors who were overseeing the disarmament of Northern Ireland's guerilla and paramilitary groups. The Council on Foreign relations has estimated that Protestant paramilitary groups have been responsible for 30% of the civilian deaths in the Northern Irish conflict. The two main Protestant vigilante groups are the Ulster Volunteer Force (UVF) and the Ulster Defence Association (UDA). Strongest during the 1970s, their ranks have diminished since then. While Protestant paramilitaries have observed a cease-fire since the IRA declared one, none of these groups has made any moves toward surrendering their weapons as stipulated by the Good Friday Accord.

Showdown in 2003

In March and April 2003, negotiations were again underway to reinstate the Northern Ireland assembly. But Sinn Fein's vague language, weakly pledging that its "strategies and disciplines will not be inconsistent with the Good Friday Agreement caused Tony Blair to challenge Sinn Fein to once and for all make a clear, unambiguous pledge to renounce paramilitary for political means." According to the New York Times (April 24, 2003), "virtually every newspaper in Britain and Ireland has editorialized in favor of full disarmament, and the Irish government, traditionally sympathetic to Sinn Fein, is almost as adamant about the matter as London is."
In Nov. 2003 legislative elections, the Ulster Unionists and other moderates lost out to Northern Ireland's extremist parties: Ian Paisley's Democratic Unionists and Sinn Fein. The prospect of power-sharing between these antithetical parties looked dim.

Deadlocked in 2004

An effort to revive the deadlocked powersharing negotiations was broached in March 2004 by Tony Blair and Ireland's Bertie Ahern, who announced, "The elections were in November, this is March, we must move on." In Sept. 2004, another round of talks, aimed at ending the impasse, broke up with no significant progress. A $50 million bank robbery in Dec. 2004 was linked to the IRA, although Sinn Fein has denied the connection. Sinn Fein's growing acceptance as a political organization suffered a severe setback as a result, putting power-sharing negotiations on hold indefinitely. Evidence of the IRA's criminality as well as its continual refusal to give up its weapons has strained its relations not only in Northern Ireland and Britain but in the Republic of Ireland as well.

Violence and Vigilantism in 2005

The brutal murder on Jan. 31, 2005, of Belfast Catholic Robert McCartney by the IRA, and the campaign by his five sisters to hold the IRA accountable, further diminished the IRA's standing, even in Catholic communities that had once been IRA strongholds. The IRA's subsequent offer to kill the men responsible generated further outrage. Instead of inviting Northern Irish political parties to the White House—the custom for the past several years—the U.S. invited the McCartney sisters instead.

Real Hope in July 2005

On July 28, the IRA stated that it was entering a new era in which it would unequivocally renounce violence: The statement said that IRA members have been "instructed to assist the development of purely political and democratic programs through exclusively political means," and that "all I.R.A. units have been ordered to dump arms" and "to complete the process to verifiably put its arms beyond use."

Delays in 2006

In Feb. 2006, the Independent Monitoring Commission (IMC), a watchdog agency monitoring Northern Irish paramilitary groups, reported that although the IRA "seems to be moving in the right direction," dissident republican paramilitaries are still engaged in violence and crime.
On May 15th, Northern Ireland's political parties were given six months (to Nov. 24) to come up with a power-sharing government or else sovereignty will be revert indefinitely to the British government.
In October, a report by the Independent Monitoring Commission in Northern Ireland indicated that the IRA had definitively ceased all paramilitary activity and declared that "the IRA's campaign is over."

Milestone Meeting in 2007

Shortly after parliamentary elections in March 2007, Gerry Adams, the leader of Sinn Fein, and Rev. Ian Paisley, the head of the Democratic Unionist Party, met face to face for the first time and hashed out an agreement for a power-sharing government.

Former Enemies Resume Power-Sharing Government

Local government was restored to Northern Ireland in May 2007 as Rev. Ian Paisley, leader of the Democratic Unionists, and Martin McGuinness, of Sinn Fein, were sworn in as leader and deputy leader, respectively, of the Northern Ireland executive government, thus ending direct rule from London. "I believe we are starting on a road to bring us back to peace and prosperity," said Paisley. British prime minister Tony Blair praised the historic deal. "Look back, and we see centuries marked by conflict, hardship, even hatred among the people of these islands," he said. "Look forward, and we see the chance to shake off those heavy chains of history.”
On Feb. 5, 2010, with the signing of the Hillsborough Castle Agreement, Gordon Brown of Britain and Brian Cowen, prime ministers of England and Ireland, respectively, created a breakthrough in the Northern Ireland peace process. According to the terms of the accord, Britain will hand over control of the six counties' police and justice system to Northern Ireland. The shift to local control of the courts, prosecution system, and police has been the most important and contentious of the issues plaguing the tenuous power-sharing government. The agreement passed its first test on March 9, when the Northern Ireland Assembly voted its support 88–17, setting the stage for the April 12 power transfer deadline. "For the first time, we can look forward to policing and justice powers being exercised by democratic institutions on a cross-community basis in Northern Ireland," Cowen said.

Information Please® Database, © 2007 Pearson Education, Inc. All rights reserved.

Read more: The Northern Irish Conflict: A Chronology http://www.infoplease.com/spot/northireland1.html#recent#ixzz3Pr8zYRBK

IRA ceasefire anniversary: Northern Ireland then and now

By Greg McKevitt BBC News NI

http://www.bbc.com/news/uk-northern-ireland-28994692

 

Twenty years on from the IRA's ceasefire, BBC News NI looks at how life in Northern Ireland has changed.

On the left of this image is the scene that followed when a 500lb IRA bomb exploded at Moore's of Coleraine in 1992

Northern Ireland's towns and cities were regularly bombed by the IRA during the Troubles. These two images show both the aftermath of bombs and how the scenes look today.

This image shows the Ulster Hall in Belfast following an IRA bomb in 1992 merged with how it looks in 2014

City centre 'ring of steel'

During the Troubles, shoppers in Belfast had to pass through security gates to enter Royal Avenue, one of the city's main shopping streets. Bags would often be searched for explosives by police. The gates would be closed every evening at 6pm.

Royal Avenue in 2014: the security gates are long gone

Security checkpoints
When the IRA put its weapons beyond use in 2005, moves began within weeks to transform the security landscape. Work began to demolish watchtowers and bases, and in August 2007 the British army's emergency operation in Northern Ireland came to an end. Lasting 38 years, Operation Banner was the Army's longest continuous campaign in its history.

Vehicles leaving Newry, County Down towards the border would pass through a permanent checkpoint

The landscape has changed dramatically, with checkpoints replaced by roads built to ease traffic congestion

South Armagh was referred to by many as "Bandit Country" because of its reputation for lawlessness. The area, adjacent to the border with the Republic of Ireland, was considered so dangerous that troops and police officers could not travel by road, and had to be flown in and out by helicopter. For republicans, these bases were a blight on the landscape, a symbol of everything they opposed, and they were repeatedly targeted.

The picture on the left of Forkhill RUC station was taken in 1978 following a mortar bomb attack. The right-hand photo shows the same area in 2014

In 1990, Londonderry civilian army worker Patsy Gillespie was told to drive a bomb to the checkpoint at Coshquin near the border, while his family was held hostage. The bomb was detonated by remote control, killing Mr Gillespie and five soldiers. A memorial marks the spot where it happened.

This photograph was taken after the bombing at the Coshquin checkpoint

Police stations were frequent IRA targets

The aftermath of a bomb at Fivemiletown police station in County Tyrone in 1992

The police station in Fivemiletown closed in 2008, and a security firm is now based on the site

More than 300 police officers were killed during the Troubles, the vast majority by the IRA, and more than 11,000 others were injured. One of the most dramatic changes over the past 20 years has been in policing. The Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) is gone, most republicans now support the police, and more than 30% of the new Police Service of Northern Ireland (PSNI) are Catholics.

Sion Mills police station in County Tyrone was badly damaged by a bomb in 1983

Houses have been built on the site of the old Sion Mills police station

Bomb damage and regeneration
Many towns across Northern Ireland were bombed by the IRA during the Troubles.

The top photograph, taken in 1978, shows the aftermath of a car bomb that exploded in Scotch Street, Dungannon. The bottom photo shows the same street in the County Tyrone town in 2014

This was the scene when a 1,000lb bomb exploded at the courthouse in Banbridge, County Down, in 1991

This is how the area looks in 2014

In 1981, a bomb near Belfast City Hall caused extensive damage to nearby buildings

This is how the same area looks today

Buildings in Belfast's High Street were severely damaged by a 500lb bomb in 1992

A tourist coach parked in the same spot where the bomb exploded shows how far the city has come

Photos by Peter Hamill and Margaret O'Neill

The Big Question: Why doesn't the UK have a written constitution (...)?

(...)
Why don't we have a written constitution?

Essentially because the country has been too stable for too long. The governing elites of many European nations, such as France and Germany, have been forced to draw up constitutions in response to popular revolt or war.
Great Britain, by contrast, remained free of the revolutionary fervour that swept much of the Continent in the 19th century. As a result, this country's democracy has been reformed incrementally over centuries rather than in one big bang. For younger countries, including the United States and Australia, codification of their citizens' rights and political systems was an essential step towards independence. Ironically, several based their written constitutions on Britain's unwritten version.

What do our rights depend upon?

Britain's constitution has developed in haphazard fashion, building on common law, case law, historical documents, Acts of Parliament and European legislation. It is not set out clearly in any one document. Mr Straw said yesterday: "The constitution of the United Kingdom exists in hearts and minds and habits as much as it does in law."
Nor is there a single statement of citizens' rights and freedom. As the Justice Secretary put it: "Most people might struggle to put their finger on where their rights are."

What about the Magna Carta?

When the barons forced King John in 1215 to sign the Magna Carta, it was an event that would reverberate through constitutional law eight centuries later.
The landowners were driven by a desire to protect their own interests rather than those of the people. But the resulting document, which has no legal force today in this country, was a key inspiration for the architects of the US constitution.
It has had huge symbolic value in the development of Western-style democracy in that it limited state powers and protected some citizens' rights. Its key principles, including the right to a fair trial by one's peers and protection from unlawful imprisonment, have underpinned common law.

What other constitutional landmarks have there been?

The Bill of Rights of 1689, which followed the accession of William and Mary to the throne after the "glorious revolution" bolstered the powers of parliament and, by extension, the rights of the sovereign's subjects. They included freedom from taxes imposed by the monarch and from being called up in peace-time to serve in the army without Parliament's permission.
The Great Reform Act of 1832, which vastly increased the number of adult males entitled to vote in elections, is widely seen as the starting-point for establishing the sovereignty of citizens over parliament. It set in train the process that led to the Representation of the People's Act of 1928, which gave all men and women over the age of 21 the right to vote.
Then there was Britain's entry into the European Economic Community in 1973, which brought the country for the first time under a degree of international judicial control.
Ten years ago Britain came closer than before to codifying individuals' rights when the Human Rights Act enshrined the European Convention on Human Rights into UK law.
What are the advantages of awritten constitution?
It has become almost a truism that British politics, beset by cynicism about politicians and undermined by falling turn-outs at general elections, is in crisis.
Supporters argue that producing such a document could tackle such disillusionment, at the same time as setting new, clear limits on the power of the executive. The Liberal Democrats have called for the public to be involved in drawing up the constitution. They say: "This would reform and reinvigorate the democratic process, putting individuals back in control instead of the wealthy, large businesses and the unions."

(...)

Extract from: http://www.independent.co.uk/news/uk/politics/the-big-question-why-doesnt-the-uk-have-a-written-constitution-and-does-it-matter-781975.html#

The British Parliamentary System

Source: http://www.bbc.co.uk/dna/ptop/A591383
August 2001

The British Parliament has been in existence since 1215, when King John signed the Magna Carta, and is one of the oldest in the world. The workings of it have changed through the ages and below is a brief description of the ways in which it works.
Parliament consists of two chambers, the House of Commons, consisting of members of parliament who are elected, and the House of Lords, consisting of unelected peers. The Sovereign, at the moment Queen Elizabeth II, is the third part of the Parliament. The government is officially known as Her Majesty's Government. The Queen has, in principle, a lot of power over the government, but chooses not to exercise that power. This position has emerged through the ages, though at one time the Sovereign exercised a lot of power over the government, and the country.

The Make Up of the House of Commons
Members of Parliament

The House of Commons consists of Members of Parliament, who are elected. The United Kingdom¹is split into constituencies, and each constituency votes for an MP (Member of Parliament) to represent them, using the 'first past the post' system.
Each MP is a member of one of the political parties, or an independent candidate, and this is stated on the ballot paper. There is no requirement to be a member of one of the parties, but most MPs are party members.

Elections

At least every five years there is a general election, when the MPs are elected. The Prime Minister decides on the timing of the election, and can call an election at any time, but one must be called within five years of the one before. It is usual for an election to be called after four years. A motion of no confidence can be brought against a government, which, if successful, will result in an early general election. They are rare however, and are likely to bolster support for the government if it fights off such a challenge.
There is potential for a by-election where one constituency has to elect a new MP. This happens if the MP cannot serve as MP, such as if they die, resign², or become a member of the House of Lords³. This allows a new MP to be elected.

The Governemnt

At least every five years there is a general election, when the MPs are elected. The Prime Minister decides on the timing of the election, and can call an election at any time, but one must be called within five years of the one before. It is usual for an election to be called after four years. A motion of no confidence can be brought against a government, which, if successful, will result in an early general election. They are rare however, and are likely to bolster support for the government if it fights off such a challenge.
There is potential for a by-election where one constituency has to elect a new MP. This happens if the MP cannot serve as MP, such as if they die, resign², or become a member of the House of Lords³. This allows a new MP to be elected.

The opposition

The official opposition has few privileges attached to it, but usually the opposition has a greater voice in speaking out against the government, and the media will pay more attention to the opposition than more minor parties. There is very little that the opposition can do that other parties cannot, but the opposition having more MPs has more power to oppose laws, especially if the government is divided over an issue. It can also use this power to help it dictate the business of the House.

The Cabinet

The Cabinet are the main people who run the country, with the Prime Minister in charge, and other ministers having their own department or ministry. They are each responsible for some area of public policy such as education, health and transport. A minister has some freedom in the decisions (s)he can make, but in some cases legislation is needed, which requires the support of both houses of Parliament (see 'The Passing of Laws' below)
Ministers are chosen by the Prime Minister, and are usually chosen from the government party. Most cabinet posts need to be held by MPs. Some minor posts can be held by members of the House of Lords, but only MPs can debate issues in the House of Commons, so it would be unlikely for someone not an MP to have a high profile role in the government, as they would not be able to defend their position in the House of Commons.

The Parties

Most parties give their leader, and other important party members, a safe seat⁴ to represent. It would be a political embarrassment if the party leader, or high-profile members of a party ,were to be elected out of office. In the case of a cabinet minister, they could not serve as minister until, and unless, they are re-elected. It is possible for a member of a political party to stand for election in any constituency, but they could be expelled from a party for standing against one of their fellow party members, and this is not usually in the interests of either, as they could split the vote, and allow another party in.

The Make Up of the House of Lords

The House of Lords consists of both hereditary peers, who have inherited their peerage and their title, and life peers, who are appointed by the government, and stay in their positions for life. A large majority of the peers are life peers. Also, important members of the clergy form part of the House of Lords, as do senior judges, or law lords, and other office holders, who have specific roles in the House. Only the office holders, such as the Leader of the House, are paid, the rest can only claim expenses.
Members of the House of Lords cannot become MPs, or hold certain other elected posts. However, lords are allowed to disclaim their title and when standing to become MP, for example, and reclaim the title later. The rule is, however, that no-one can be a member of both houses at the same time.
Peers may have some loyalty to some political party, but there is less of a compulsion to follow the wishes of any party, than for MPs. They cannot be expelled from the House of Lords by being voted out, so have less need for the support of a party, although peers may feel some loyalty to one party.
At the time of writing, the government is reforming the House of Lords, and has appointed so called people's peers, who are not chosen for their affiliation to any political party, but are, in theory, appointed on merit, by an independent committee. This has not met with much success, as the people chosen were not ordinary members of the public. It may be that the House of Lords becomes fully elected, but it is unlikely to be the priority for any government, and slow progress is likely on this issue.

The Passing of Laws in the House of Commons

Almost all laws that are made are proposed by the Cabinet. The Cabinet, through a relevant minister, proposes laws to the House of Commons, and then there is a debate on the issues. The bills⁵, go through a number of stages in the House of Commons. First, the bill is announced in brief. This is called the first reading. Within a fortnight, the principles and some of the detail of the bill are announced, and they are debated. This is the second reading. Here, there is a vote, and if the bill is not supported, then it cannot proceed further. Assuming a vote is successful, then it is passed on to the committee stage.
At the committee stage, the bill is discussed in minute detail. A committee is a number of MPs meeting to discuss the bill. Sometimes a standing committee is set up to discuss the bill. Sometimes, a select committee, dealing with a certain area of government may discuss the bill. On very important matters, the committee may consist of the whole House of Commons or both houses of parliament.
After this stage, the committee report back to the House of Commons. Amendments to the bill can be proposed at this stage. The individual details of the bill cannot be discussed, however. This precedes the third reading, where the bill with any amendments is announced to the House of Commons. If the House approves, then the bill is passed to the House of Lords.

In the House of Lords

The House of Lords will then debate the issues, following similar stages to those the bill must pass through in the House of Commons, although it is not usual for committees to be discuss bills, rather it is more likely for the whole house to act as a committee. After this stage, both houses must agree on the final form of the bill, so if the bill has been amended, the assent of the House of Commons is needed for the amended bill.
If both houses accept the bill then it, possibly having been amended, will go to the Queen to sign it. The Sovereign is unlikely to decline this, and the last time the Royal Assent, as this is known, was refused was in 1707. At one time, the Sovereign would have used his/her power a lot more, but more recently the Sovereign has deferred to parliament.
Mostly government bills are passed as stated, with few changes as the government will almost always have a majority, so can usually force through bills, if the government's MPs vote with the government. The greater the majority, the easier this is. Most parties have individuals in them called Whips who have a role of keeping their party's members informed of parliamentary business, and also try to make sure that the MPs vote in favour of their party. In a coalition government the situation is different, as the two parties may disagree on many issues.

Raising bills in the House of Lords

Some bills are debated solely in the House of Lords. These tends to be noncontroversial bills, where the main problems are to do with the detail, rather than the principle. These bills must still be presented to the House of Commons, who must vote in favour of it, for it to become law. Also bills relating to the introduction of new charges, such as taxes, must be raised by a government minister in the House of Commons.

Overruling the House of Lords

The House of Lords usually follows the Salisbury Convention in that parts of a government's manifesto are not challenged in the House of Lords. Also, the system allows for the House of Lords to be overruled. Bills dealing only with tax or government spending must be made law within one month, for example. Also after one year, and in a new session of parliament, a bill rejected by the House of Lords can be sent for Royal Assent, bypassing the House of Lords. There are some types of bills that must have the support of the House of Lords to become law.

Private Members Bills

Any MP can propose a bill, called a private members bill. These are unlikely to be made law, but can be. They tend to be proposed where the government does not want to raise it, and they generally do not have government backing, so are rarely made law, and may not even be fully debated. The process is sometimes used to highlight the need for government action rather than to make law.
The Early Day Motion system can be a way of highlighting the need for action. They take the form of a request 'That... ' followed by the subject of the motion. While they may not be debated, they are distributed to MPs so can become widely known in the House of Commons. Some Early Day Motions are comments on certain groups, actions, or events, while some seek to encourage certain actions by the House of Commons.
The motions can be endorsed by other MPs, by signing them, and amendments can be made, by the MPs, and the amended motion may be signed. This system can give an indicator of the views of the MPs, and is also used to raise issues when there is little or no time to debate them. They, in themselves, may not become law, although they can, but can be a way of drawing attention to the need for law to be made, or action taken in the case in question.
There is limited time for debate of bills in the House of Commons, so private members bills are presented to the MPs, and some of these are voted for. The successful bills are then given time for debate, and have a chance of becoming law, given support of the MPs. Also, the ten-minute rule allows for a short speech in favour of a bill, and a short speech against it. This can be an attempt at law, but may be an attempt to highlight an area of concern. The time for this bill is when the House will usually be full, and the press are likely to be present, and the MP in question is likely to be able to get a lot of publicity, even if the bill does not make law.

Devolution

In the last few years, the government has devolved some power over Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland to parliaments in these countries, called respectively the Scottish Parliament, the Welsh Assembly, and the Northern Ireland Assembly. This allows them some power over issues only affecting their country.
At the moment, the Welsh Assembly, Scottish Parliament, and the Northern Ireland Assembly, allow these countries to have more control over certain issues in their countries. Wales and Scotland, and Northern Ireland still have MPs in the British parliament. This is a source of controversy, as Scottish, Welsh and Northern Irish MPs can vote in issues that only affect England, but not the other way round.

Conclusion

The British Parliament is currently changing in a number of ways. However, this entry is meant to give a guide to the system at the current moment. For other information about the Parliament, and the devolved governments, the following Links might be useful. They are links to the official websites of the parliaments.

British Parliament

Scottish Parliament

Welsh Assembly

Northern Ireland Assembly

Tony Blair in the House of Commons / March 2003
http://news.bbc.co.uk/democracylive/hi/historic_moments/newsid_8189000/8189443.stm